Marxism and Pluralism Views on Media free essay sample

The mass media is an extremely integral part of society as it consumes and influences our everyday lives, whether we are conscious of it or not. Whether it is through the Internet, television, newspapers, advertisements or the radio, we are constantly bombarded by mass media. As Burton observes, the main power of the media lies in the fact that it can shape what we know about the world and can be a main source of ideas and opinions (2002:2). As the media continues to compel such power over socialisation, many researchers have set out to perceive the power of the mass media (Curran, Gurevitch, Woollacott 2006:1). This essay will discuss these theories, namely the liberal-pluralist and Marxist approaches as well as the role of media in society according to these approaches. Marxism takes the view that media has an undisputable influence over society and that this helps preserve differences of power between social groups based on class, race and gender. (Burton, 2002:48). The Marxist approach stresses the power of the media to control people in society, based on the ‘base-superstructure’ model in Marxist thought. (Marsh amp; Melville, 2008:27). The base-superstructure model is made up of a base, being an economic base or infrastructure which provides the basic needs of life and the super structure, which comprises of the rest of society, including ones family and education system, as well as the mass media. (Marsh, etal, 2008:27) The base, which entails all aspects of the material world, comes first, and the superstructure depends on this economic base. Marsh, etal, 2008:27) In terms of the media, the Marxist theorists would emphasise the power of the economy to determine the content of the media, and thereby, to influence public agendas. (Marsh, etal, 2008:27) The Frankfurt school, was comprised of left-leaning, Marxist- influenced intellectuals, namely, Adorno, Horkheimer, Benjamin and Marcuse, these learners believed that mass popular culture was sapping creative thinking, reducing individual freedom and promoting false wants through consumerism. Williams, 2001:27) It was not until the 1960’s that the scholars of The Frankfurt School’s work and ideas become widely disseminated (Williams, 2001: 27). They identified with various forms of high culture such as symphony music, high art and literature as having innate value. (Williams, 2001:27). They were critical of mass media and much of their writing focused on mass media in the face of high culture (Williams, 2001: 27). They were skeptical that high culture could be reproduced by mass media. (Williams, 2001:27). For instance, as Adorno argued, neither radio, nor records could reproduce the authentic sound and experience of hearing a live orchestra (Williams, 2001:27). ‘Cultural Industries’-which referred to the role of mass culture shaping the individual in mass society, became an important term in cultural studies in the post-war period. (Williams, 2007:27). Herbert Marcusse argued that Capitalism was responsible for the creation of false needs, false consciousness and mass culture, which enslaved working people. (Williams, 2001:27). This is consistent with Marx’s theory, according to Marx, the capitalist class control the ‘production and distribution of ideas’ because of their control of the ‘means of material production’ (Williams, 2001:37) The Political Economy Approach is rooted in the Marxist theory, which focuses primarily on the relationship between the economic structure and dynamics of media industries and the ideological content of media (Mcquail, 2010:96). In other words, the media is considered part of the economic system, with close links to the political system (Mcquail, 2010:96). The Political Economy Approach suggests that the primary product of the media is really audience (Mcquail, 2010:96). This refers to the media having the primary intention to shape the behaviour of the public in certain and distinctive ways (Mcquail, 2010:96). For instance, let’s look at the Internet in terms of the Political Economy Approach. (Fuchs, 2009) explains that the key to the Internet economy lies especially in the commodification of the users of free access platforms, which deliver targets for advertisers and publicists as well as often providing the content at no cost to network providers and site-owners. Lastly, the Marxists were concerned about the effects that the mass media had on the audience. Media’s influence can be evaluated from an essentially ideological standpoint; it propounds the view that the media can be compared to a â€Å"hypodermic needle†, because it has the power to ‘inject’ a repressive ideology directly into the consciousness of the masses (Morley, 1980:1). However, ironically, Marxist and critical commentators have also argued that he mass media play a strategic role in reinforcing dominant social norms and values that legitimise the social system. (Curran ,etal, 2006:14). Marcuse suggested that we greatly overrate the indoctrinating power of the media. For instance, voting, some Marxists claim that media portrayals of elections constitute dramatized rituals that legitimise the power structure in liberal democracies, voting is seen as an ideology that helps to sustain the myth of representative democracy, political equality and collect ive self determination (Curran,etal, 2006:14). However, pioneering studies into the effects of the media on voting behaviour by McQuail (1961) concluded that the media had only a marginal influence in changing the way in which people voted. In contrast to the Marxists, who saw the media as mouthpieces for the ruling classes, free press theory highlights the independent role of the media in society in terms of the Liberalist approach (Williams, 2001:38). ‘Freedom of the press’ is a concept, which has a long and distinguished history (Williams, 2001:38). The theoretical approach to this theory can be found in John Milton’s book, Areopagatica, which was published in 1644. Milton opposed state restrictions on freedom of expression on the grounds that God has blessed individual men and woman with the faculty of reason, which allowed them to read and enabled them, according to their conscience to make choices of good and evil. (Williams, 2001:39). As Keane adds, the virtue of the individual must be developed and tested continually by engaging contrary opinions and experiences (1991:12). The theory of utilitarianism developed another argument for the free expression of press and public opinion (Williams, 2001:39). Philosophers such as Jeremy Bentham and James Mill believed the smooth operation for the political system depended on the free expression of public opinion, it was necessary for ‘good governance’. The liberalist approach sees society as a dynamic system that continuously strives for unity and harmony, for cohesion and stability. (McQuail, 2005: 168) According to the liberal democratic theory, the media play a crucial role, as channels of communication, as channels of information and communication, between social groups, by stimulating collective debate, by stimulating collective debate, by fostering social integration, by facilitating the ‘normal’ functioning of society. (McQuail, 2005: 167) Providing that they are free and independent institutions, the media will reflect and represent all the important views circulating and competing interests present within society. In doing so, they will respond to changing social circumstances and adapt the shifting relations of power (McQuail, 2005: 167). There is a thesis within the Liberalist approach that considers the media to be a mirror of reality (McQuail, 2005: 168). This is underscored within the approach with three main concepts, the emphasis of popular control over the media, the importance of professional mediation as well as seeing the media as an autonomous form of power structure over society (Curran, 1996:138). Autonomy within the media consists of the independence of the state, political and economic interests as well the journalist’s autonomy and self-willingness within media organisations. (Mcquail, 2005:168). For instance, only when a journalist serves accurate and objective reporting of news and events the wider public interest will be served (Mcquail, 2005:168). In contrast, even excessive control of the media by its proprietors and the potential abuse of their power for personal, political or ideological ends will eventually be diminished, most notably by the consumer’s authority. Mcquail, 2005:168). The history of the Liberalist approach dates back to the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and understanding this history is an integral part of understanding the relationship between media and society (McQuail, 2005:168). Within this period of time, the Liberalist theories dominated the way in which the media was traditionally conceived, in terms of the political system and the way which media contributed to the way society functioned democratically (McQuail, 2005:168). It is with the rise of rationalism, liberalism and new ideas on nature old man, the relationship between the individual and the state, and intellectual and economic freedom that the common conception of the â€Å"free market place of ideas† are rooted. With the Liberalist approach, comes much tension. Where the Liberalist’s were concerned with utilitarianism in media, James Mills was concerned that the democratic form of government gave rise to â€Å"tyranny of the majority† (Bennet: 33). Mills was concerned that with utilitarianism, people lose their individuality and identity and was concerned with social homogenisation where the line marking the differences between classes, regions and professions becomes blurred. (Bennet: 33) The reason these differences have become blurred is because there is popular education, which results in a tendency in moral and intellectual uniformity. As a result, rather than being viewed as vehicles of enlightenment, popular education and the press are regarded as reducing intelligence to the level of the lowest common denominator. Bennet: 34) In conclusion, this essay has attempted to discuss the Marxist and Liberalist view of the media and the contrast thereof. The Marxist approach perceives the audience as vulnerable and easily susceptible to propaganda. Marxists were sceptical of mass media, as they believed it had the ability to reproduce high culture and therefore diminish its exclusivity and tendency to be elite. In contrast, the Liberalists were in favour of mass media, as they believed it had the power to encourage utilitarianism and therefore harmony. Media encourages liberalisation and rationalism and therefore a ‘harmonious’ relationship between the public and their state. Although the debate on mass media and its effects and influence on the public still remains and the matter of each approach is still relevant today, the media is an extremely broad and integral component of society.